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Lucy Hicks Anderson

Kathryn S Gardiner | Published on 10/13/2025

Forgotten Foremothers

Profiles of lesser-known heroines in the fight for women’s right


At a political rally and barbeque in Oxnard, Calif. in June 1946, the host remained neutral. Lucy Hicks Anderson declined to say for whom she’d be voting, but “it’s important that everyone go to the polls regardless of whom they vote for,” she told the newspaper reporter from the Oxnard-Press Courier. “It’s the people’s privilege.”

 

The chairwoman of the County Democratic Women’s Organization spoke to the attendees, as did an assistant chairwoman from nearby Ventura, Calif. “Guests at the affair were served barbecued beef, beans, potato salad, coffee, and beer with cocktails beforehand,” the paper reported.

 

Lucy was known for her event planning and her cooking, but it was a trial the year prior that had made her nationwide news. 

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Lucy was born to Bill and Nancy Lawson in Waddy, a community in northern Kentucky, in 1886. Assigned male at birth, she was given the name Tobias, though she would later say she was usually called Tossie or Toby. She recounted some of her life story from the witness stand.

 

“I have always dressed as a woman,” she told the jury in November 1945, as recorded by the Ventura County Star. “She explained that the family doctor—a Dr. Jesse—had told her mother when she was 9 years old that ‘I was more of a girl than a boy.’ Her mother informed her ... that ‘there’s nothing to do. You’re a girl and you’re not like other little girls.’”

 

From that young age, Lucy dressed and lived in the world as a girl. She attended public school as Lucy, though her education ended at age 15 when she began domestic work. She relocated to Pecos City, Texas, and found employment as a hotel chambermaid, a job she would maintain for the next decade.

 

In 1920, at age 34, she married Clarence Hicks in Silver City, New Mexico, several hundred miles west. The couple continued further west and eventually settled in Ventura County’s Oxnard, Calif., a coastal city about 60 miles northwest of Los Angeles. Throughout the 1920s, svelte, six-foot-tall Lucy made the local Society pages more than once. She hosted church social clubs for Oxnard’s wealthy and won culinary awards for “light rolls” and fig jams. She earned a reputation as an excellent baker and cook. With the money she saved up, she purchased some property near the city’s low-income neighborhood of China Alley where she opened a brothel and sold liquor.

 

These were the Prohibition years in the United States, however, so the law soon—and more than once—came knocking on her door. On Oct. 18, 1927, the Oxnard Courier-Press wrote of the “rough methods” officers used when arresting Lucy and 13 other individuals. Now in her early 40s, Lucy was arrested again in May the following year. For at least one of these arrests, Lucy was bailed out by a local banker who had a dinner party planned. It would fall apart without Lucy’s help, he said. 

 

Lucy and Clarence divorced in 1929. Even as a single woman of 43, Lucy had built a valuable position for herself in local Oxnard society. A Time magazine report in 1945 marveled at the contrast of her social circles. “Lucy's lone bawdyhouse expanded into a half-block of frame buildings, each well furnished, neatly painted and with window boxes full of geraniums. ... Lucy was accepted by easygoing Oxnard as commercially, not personally, involved in the operation of her bordellos. She not only kept on cooking in Oxnard's big houses, but tended children, helped dress many an Oxnard daughter for parties. The town thought little of seeing fat and prosperous Oxnard dames driving to Lucy's house to borrow one of her legendary recipes. When a new Catholic priest came to town, Lucy prepared the barbecue with which the parish welcomed him. She gave generously to the Red Cross, the Boy Scouts and charities…”

 

Lucy enjoyed this busy, lucrative single life until she married Reuben Anderson, a corporal in the United States military, in 1944 at age 58. Though Reuben had been stationed in Long Island, New York, the couple settled in Lucy’s familiar Oxnard area. 


Owning a brothel in a city near Los Angeles during World War II was big business. While Lucy’s liquor sales were now legal, prostitution was in a strange position. As highlighted by the WW2 US Medical Research Centre write up, “During the Great War, [venereal diseases] had caused the Army lost services of 18,000 servicemen per day.” To combat this, Congress passed 1918’s Chamberlain–Kahn Act, also called the “American Plan.”

 

“Generally speaking, the American Plan was a collection of laws and practices under which federal, state, and local government officials arrested and examined any woman whom they reasonably suspected of having venereal disease,” wrote Scott Wasserman Stern in The Long American Plan: The U.S. Government’s Campaign Against Venereal Disease and Its Carriers. “If that woman tested positive, she was placed in isolation for an indeterminate sentence until she was cured or rendered noninfectious. Because there were few effective treatments for syphilis or gonorrhea during this time, women were sometimes held for months, even years, until an official decided that enough was enough. Often, the woman received few or none of the protections of due process. Tens of thousands of women were arrested and treated in this manner.”

 

“Lucy Hicks with deputy sheriffs H.E. Bowman and Charles Salig.” Courtesy Museum of Ventura County.



Matthew Wills, in When America Incarcerated “Promiscuous” Women, noted how that the focus on sex work put women living on society’s margins in the crosshairs. “The campaign [against venereal diseases] ended up targeting not the men who visited sex workers, but rather young women and girls—some were even pre-teens—most of whom were poor and non-white. In a pre-penicillin and still very Victorian-influenced era, men were assumed not to be carriers of sexually transmitted diseases like syphilis. Women were blamed and punished accordingly.” Additionally, to test positive for a sexually transmitted infection was taken as proof of prostitution, so any woman who was sexually active, regardless of profession, could be detained. Sometimes, sexual activity itself was a case for detainment. In its most extreme examples, “the panic was such that girls and young women could be taken in simply for being outside without adult supervision.”

Scott wrote, “Government agents interned so many women in this manner that local jail became insufficient. To handle this problem, the [Commission on Training Camp Activities], flush with federal money, began to construct its own detention facilities, or renovate existing ones, to confine infected women for treatment. Ironically, many of these new detention facilities were former brothels.”

 

In Matthew’s article, medical historian John Parascandola, commented that this response was predictable from an administration that was, at that same time, interning Japanese Americans, as we explored in the stories of Dorothy Toy and Yuri Kochiyama. “‘It is perhaps not surprising that these same officials were also willing to resort to detaining and forcibly treating women who were deemed a threat to the war effort.’ He noted that regardless of these incarcerations, rates of ‘syphilis and gonorrhea continued to be a significant problem among the military and civilian populations in and after World War II.’”

 

The American Plan warned young soldiers with posters depicting Prostitution as a sensuous grim-reaper madam on the steps of a brothel with her hired ladies Gonorrhea and Syphilis. Yet, soldiers received different, incompatible messages as well. As Matthew described, “Sex workers were also recognized as ‘morale builders’ for the troops; one doctor at the Public Health Service coined the term ‘patriotute’ for the ‘patriotic prostitute’ (terms widely used at the time).”

 

In October 1945, Lucy and all her women employees were rounded up and taken into custody after a sailor claimed he contracted an STI at her brothel. Scott wrote of the welcome they likely received. “A woman could be subjected to a compulsory examination if she were thought to be a carrier of venereal diseases, a determination sometimes made on the basis of her perceived promiscuity, ‘suspicious conduct,’ or ‘incorrigibility.’ A detained woman was then tested, usually by a male physician, in a highly invasive manner that involved close scrutiny of the genitals and often a blood test.” When subjected to this invasive exam, Lucy’s birth sex was discovered.

 

As we saw with Mrs. Nash, the information was soon leaked to the newspapers to nationwide ridicule. Time magazine’s writeup about Lucy built to a punchline: “Lucy was a man.” A later letter from the publisher revealed that “Time subscribers ... nominated ‘her’ for Time's Man of the Year.” Many reporters took great care to put every “she,” “her” and “Lucy” in quotation marks. Others simply used male pronouns from start to finish. The difference this time, however, was that Lucy was still alive—and that meant legal charges could follow. 

 

“‘Lucy’ Hicks Enters Not Guilty Plea” read a Ventura County Star headline on Oct. 23, 1945. She had been charged by M. Arthur Waite, the county’s district attorney, with perjury for “fraudulently obtain[ing] a license to wed Rueben Anderson, an army man, here in June, 1944.” This case was ended with a judge’s punishment of 10 years of probation. But much as Mary Jones experienced 100 years earlier, the law was not done with Lucy.

 

Even before these county charges were resolved, federal charges of dodging the draft and fraud arrived. Lucy produced her Kentucky birth certificate to prove she was 54 years old, beyond the age range of 21 to 45 required to register for the draft in 1940. The fraud charges were harder to evade as that would mean getting the U.S. government to see Lucy and Reuben’s marriage as legitimate. 

 

In October of 1942, the U.S. Department of War had established the Office of Dependency Benefits to provide “financial support for the dependents of men in the armed forces,” thoroughly outlined in the Administration of the Servicemen’s Dependents Allowance Act of 1942. As Rueben’s wife, Lucy had received monthly allotments totaling $1000 (around $16,000 in 2025). 

 

Rueben took a back seat in these articles focused on the spectacle of his wife. He is “Lucy’s Husband” in headlines. But one Los Angeles Tribune piece, highlighting Lucy’s trip to Brooklyn to appear in federal court in April 1947, shared this small glimpse of the couple: “Lucy [took] the stand to protest, ‘Of course I love him’ and the corporal admit[ed] that he ‘was quite fond of her.’” (Some newspapers report they later divorced on grounds of Rueben’s “desertion.”)

 

Lucy’s own words appeared infrequently, yet a certain dignity and self-assurance emerges despite the ever-present mocking tone of the reporting. Each and every bit of coverage marveled at her continuing to appear in “feminine attire,” describing her outfits like a society page. “Lucy wore a tailored light brown suit, long brown gloves.” Lucy “wore a two-piece woman’s green suit, white blouse, and red shoes…”

 

Asked on the stand if Reuben was a man, Lucy replied, “Well, he’s supposed to be.”

Asked her age, she first said 32 before “admitting” she was 59, but “a woman isn’t supposed to have any age after 40.” 

Asked if she wore wigs, she replied, “If I think I look better with a wig, I do.”

Asked what part of her body she considered feminine, she replied, “For one thing, my chest,” and according to papers, then opened her blouse to show a “very masculine chest.”

 



 News reporters covering Lucy’s court appearances made liberal use of quotation marks, like this photo caption from the Baltimore Afro-American on April 20, 1946. Articles also noted that jurors had to “not to believe everything they saw” to conclude that Lucy was anything other than a woman.

These scant quotes peppered articles to make fun of Lucy, or to highlight a perceived delusion, perhaps. But they might also be evidence of Lucy’s profound sense of herself. In that last exchange, the intended joke is obvious to the reader: She says she likes her feminine chest, but then shows a presumably flat, breastless “masculine” one. Yet, it’s this limited view of gender that the existence of trans and non-binary people forces us to examine. There’s an assumption demanded of this “joke.” To be a woman, Lucy should have breasts. Yet, there are cisgender women (that is, those whose gender identity aligns with the gender they were assigned at birth) with small breasts or who have had double mastectomies whose chests might be as flat as Lucy’s. Are their chests “masculine,” or merely—like Lucy’s—another way for a body to be “feminine”? Likewise, many cisgender men have chests that are not flat at all. 

 

Were she to have presented D-cup breasts, it’s also unlikely the all-male jury would have accepted Lucy’s gender anyway. Indeed, one article says the jury chose “not to believe everything they saw and trust[ed] medical testimony that she was a man.” Their eyes, it seemed, told them what Lucy told them: She was a woman. 

 

But not only that: Lucy was a Black woman, and that removed any of the chivalrous guiderails that might have been afforded a white person so clearly seen as a woman by all the men around her. The prosecution offered up the testimony of five doctors who insisted Lucy was a man. Presumably, these five testimonies came after five physical examinations of Lucy’s body. 


Her defense attorney suggested that Lucy had “hidden organs,” discoverable only upon her death, that would prove her a woman. “The ‘hidden organs’ argument was also a plea for time,” C. Riley Snorton, transgender cultural theorist and scholar, wrote in Black on Both Sides: A Racial History of Trans Identity. “In exchange for an unincarcerated life, Hick Anderson’s ‘hidden organs’ defense offered up her corpse to be put to indefinite institutional use ... Though Hicks Anderson’s defense comprised a critique of medical wisdom as a science of the surface, it also highlighted how black flesh had long been central to medical professional knowledge...”

 





As a stipulation of her 10-year probation, Lucy was ordered to wear men’s clothes. She did not. She also continued coordinating voting advocacy events, like the barbeque she hosted in June 1946. The coverage of this event called Lucy “a successful female impersonator.” Lucy also held a “wiener roast” at her home that specifically called for the attention of “colored voters.” 

Following her conviction for fraud, she was detained in the men’s section of the Federal House of Detention, a jail on New York City’s 11th and West Streets that opened in 1929. Even here Lucy wore women’s clothing because, as the Washington Afro American reported, she “has no others.”


Lucy hosted multiple voting advocacy events, including this wiener roast advertised in the Oxnard Press-Courier in June 1946. 



Oxnard authorities refused to let her return to the city after her release in 1950. If she tried to go back to the place she’d called home for nearly 30 years, she would be prosecuted, they said. Lucy—by some accounts with Reuben—relocated to nearby Los Angeles where she lived until her death in 1954. She was 68 years old. 

 

Lucy’s was one of the stories shared in the 2020 HBO Max series “Equal.” Kimberly Reed, the episode’s director, told The Los Angeles Times, “One of Lucy’s lines in Episode 2 is: ‘In 1944, my secret could get you killed. That’s true today...Especially with trans women, especially with Black trans women.”

 

In September 2020, the Harvard Civil Rights – Civil Liberties Law Review reported: “The inequities and prejudice Black trans women face don’t just take the form of outright violence. A study by the National LGBTQ Task Force indicates that Black trans people have a 26 percent unemployment rate. That’s twice as high as the unemployment rate for transgender people of all racial and ethnic backgrounds, and four times as high as the unemployment rate in the general population. The study also found other shocking disparities; 41 percent of Black trans people have been homeless (more than five times the general population), 34 percent of Black trans people have household incomes less than $10,000 (more than eight times the general population), and nearly half of the Black trans population has attempted suicide. Although these statistics apply to the Black trans population in general and not to Black trans women specifically, based on how much more frequently Black trans women are killed, it’s reasonable to assume that they also experience these harms more frequently than other Black trans people. ... In short, being a Black trans woman in America means you’re far more likely than most other people to experience serious roadblocks and harms, in the form of everything from extreme poverty to violent murder.”

 

This suffering is not caused by being transgender or Black but by society’s reaction to that transness and Blackness. Simply said, it does not need to be this way.

 

“To hear the Internet tell it, black transgender women only have one of two fates -- celebrity or a desperate, marginal existence ending lonely, too young, and possibly violently. Laverne Cox, Janet Mock, or one of the many black transgender women who were murdered in 2015. There is another possible future,” wrote Adrienne Kincaid in The Huffington Post in 2016. “...if you really love someone or a group of someones you will do what is best for them, even if it is hardest for you. It is better for young transgender women to know that there's a life out there for them that doesn't involve sex work, either prostitution or pornography, nor does it rest on the vagaries of celebrity, stardom and being discovered. I am not a celebrity, I live a good life but it lacks glamour and excitement. That's kind of the whole point.”

 

“I defy any doctor in the world to prove that I am not a woman,” Lucy said on the stand to a courtroom of strangers. “I have dressed and acted just as I am: a woman.” In the 1946 fraud trial, she was given one crude question repeatedly: Do you have male sex organs? The Washington Afro American reported, “The question was rephrased in several ways, but Lucy Hicks steadfastly refused to reply.” Perhaps those in the courtroom saw this as evidence of Lucy’s delusion, stubbornness, or deviancy. A simpler understanding might be that Lucy had already told them the truth and answered the question.

 

Lucy was a woman.

 

 

 

Sources:

Notable Kentucky African Americans Database: Hicks, Lucy L. [Tobias Lawson]

Black Past: Lucy Hicks [Tobias Lawson] Anderson (1886-1954)

The Legacy Project: Lucy Hicks Anderson

Time Magazine: Sin and SoufflLetter from the Publisher

Ventura County Star:  Oct. 23, 1945Nov. 26, 1945Jan. 10, 1946April 10, 1946April 22, 1946June 30, 1947

Martinez News Gazette: Oct. 25, 1945

Oxnard Press-Courier: Sept. 17, 1925Sept. 24, 1926Nov. 20, 1925May 10, 1946June 1, 1946June 3, 1946

The San Francisco Examiner: Oct. 25, 1945;

The Los Angeles Times: Oct. 27, 2020

Los Angeles Tribune: April 27, 1946;

Baltimore Afro-American: April 20, 1946

Washington Afro American: April 20, 1946

The Afro-American: Dec. 15, 1945